REARVIEW MIRROR-GUIDE TO THE FUTURE

PART ONE

WINNIPEG 1919 & THE COLD WAR

George Hewison, Vancouver, May 28, 2017

Whatever happened to Fred Rose, the gifted organizer of unemployed youth during the 1920s and 1930s? Or the same Fred Rose, prominent union organizer and social activist during the days of Maurice Duplessis' Padlock Law and fascistic regime in Quebec?

Even though he is virtually Canada's forgotten man, Fred Rose, who in 1944 became the Labour Progressive Party (LPP) Member of Parliament for Montreal Cartier, has been tagged by official history as a Soviet spy. His accusers, seventy years ago, said that he was the main organizer of a massive Soviet spy ring, a "fifth columnist", and a traitor to his adopted country, Canada.

The Communist Party of Canada (to which Rose was part throughout his entire adult life) was tied to that official narrative ¹. It must be noted that in bringing down Rose, the forces against him dealt a devastating blow, not just to the Communist Party (that since the aftermath of the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, had managed to gather around itself a majority of working class Canadians opposed to capitalism), but also all who questioned the legitimacy of a system whose raison d'être was the accumulation of capital and private profit.

Many historians situate the events around Rose as the official start of a very dark chapter in history known as the Cold War. Most Canadians, and especially within Canada's current labour movement, to which Rose dedicated his life, have yet to appreciate just how profoundly the Cold War impacted organized labour and how the attack against Rose was essentially an attack against all labour.

Fred Rose was tried, convicted, imprisoned, stripped of his seat in Parliament and his Canadian citizenship, not based on any evidence that he was a Soviet spymaster, but because he was a communist and lived and died convinced that capitalism was not the best possible social system.

The story of Fred Rose has not yet been told ².

One of the primary functions of any state, capitalist or otherwise, is to defend its legitimacy. It must prove to the governed that it acts in their interests. It must continually demonstrate to those who live within its boundaries that they live in the best possible social organization of society. It must, therefore, defeat, in every way, those who challenge its legitimacy. That fundamental function of the state applies to feudal and absolute monarchies. It applied to the Soviet state set up after the Russian Revolution of 1917; and it applies to parliamentary capitalist democracies of the last three centuries and of capitalist fascist states of more recent vintage.

The story of Rose actually starts at Winnipeg in 1919.

The story of Rose is actually the story of strategic goals.

Canadian capital's number one strategic goal, after the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, was to dim or destroy organized labour's vision for a non-capitalist future. The Cold War, a quarter century later, was part of the end game in attaining success in that strategic goal.

That successful strategy by the Canadian state is now becoming all too obvious as labour struggles to beat back capital's attack; as millions struggle to develop and/or maintain democracy and the gains of generations in face of a neo-fascist revival; and as humanity struggles with its very survival from war and/or climate disaster. No attempt to explain any current dilemma facing organized labour, the crisis of democracy, the future of Canada or the threat of climate change can be properly considered without a fuller understanding of how the strategic goal of capital has succeeded thus far; and how the strategic goal of organized labour has come up short.

Jorge Santayana once said that "those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it". He might well have added ‘those who were never given the chance to know the past are also condemned to repeat it'. Thus re-visiting our working class past is not just fascinating, but essential. It is the reason we study history: to situate the present and chart the future.

At the time when actions against Rose and others were started on September 5, 1945, the Labour Progressive Party (as the Communist Party was then known) had upwards of 25,000 members across Canada and supporters numbering tens of thousands more. Well known members of the Party were in the leadership of twelve major Canadian unions, and sitting in leading positions of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada (TLC) and the Canadian Congress of Labour (CCL) plus many Federations of Labour and labour councils across the country. It had elected its first Member of Parliament, and had sitting members in various legislatures across the country as well as numerous members of municipal councils.

By the time the Cold War had completed its work, and despite fierce resistance by Communists and others, in a few short years, the Party was a shell of its former self. History records that the organized Left, of which the Communist Party and Fred Rose was part, proved incapable of properly gauging the national and international relationship of forces between labour and capital. Both the strategy, flowing from faulty analysis, and organizational models that couldn't respond in any timely way to correct bad strategy, made defeat historically inevitable.

Despite incredible efforts at challenging Canadian capitalism, and many outstanding successes, Canadian Communists' strategy proved incapable of countering the strategy of big capital. In fact, it must be said that the Left, for a century, has not been able to self-correct in any timely way; and still demonstrates great difficulty learning its history lessons and getting its act together.

The capitalist state, which brought down Rose, struck down its real intended target, organized labour, by isolating and defeating those who struggled for fundamental social change (for socialism) and isolating them from those who were content to seek reforms within the capitalist system.

Capital succeeded because it was able to win the battle for the public's hearts and minds. It twisted Rose and the Communists as agencies, not for fundamental social change in Canada, but as agencies for another, less desirable, state. It made the task of maintaining that essential link between reform and socialism difficult for Communists, especially as some of those difficulties within the Communist Party were self-inflicted. The Party, from the beginning, had had difficulty getting that relationship between reform and revolution properly calibrated. It was never an easy question, and over reliance on "fraternal" assistance from forces outside Canada compounded the problem.

In the current crisis facing humanity, in which capitalism stands in the docket of history, beset by multi-sided crises, the matter of agency to lead, in stemming and ultimately ending capital's assault on the human race, rises to priority number one.³

What social force is there to step up as the primary anti-capitalist agency? Over the decades, a number of important social movements have arisen to challenge either capital or its disastrous effects. But in the end all have fallen back, or to the side. There is a great urgency to re-visit capital's number one problem child, the working class, to see if that class has the capacity (as earlier generations believed) to be that social force, that agency, upon which all of the other forces may assemble, concerned over the anarchy that is capitalism, and may (with effective strategy and organization) rely.

This thesis stands or falls on the possibility that the working class, in all of its modern diversity and stratification, remains such an agency. What is still lacking is the subjective factor, i.e. the working class being aware of itself as a class and its historic destiny to liberate humanity from the confines known as capitalism. If the exponential growth model of capital accumulation leads inexorably to catastrophe for the human race, then the search for agency is now also an urgent matter of human survival.

It bears repeating that capital requires labour in its profit-making capital accumulation cycle in its fullest sense; but the opposite is not true: labour, to create social wealth, does not require private capital...but only under the system known as capitalism. The entire ideological edifice of capitalism is brought to bear to hide what should be a self-evident truth.

This nub of capital's slight-of-hand is expressed in a number of ways.

First, the capitalist organization of society, its proponents suggest, represents the best possible way to conduct human activity. Second, capitalism is eternal, so get used to it and accommodate it. Third, they say capital and the working class have a common stake in upholding the system. Together, they say, we take on all comers, be it corporate rivals or international competition. ‘Foreign agitators', and/or those daring to suggest that the current economic and political arrangement is not the best one possible, represent the greatest threat to stability and progress and must be vigorously opposed.

The reasons for the capitalist state's success in defending the virtues of its system are too many and complex to be dealt with in a short presentation. But at a much simpler level, it is worth pointing out that if Fred Rose was guilty of such heinous crimes as ascribed to him, why should he be such a forgotten Canadian; or why the state would go to such extraordinary lengths to cover its tracks in vilifying him?

Amnesia around Rose and the Cold War is important to a new generation of workers, and the search for an effective agency to confront capitalism.

The methods used by the Canadian state against Rose were from a template used a quarter century earlier to smash the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, and punish the social change leaders involved at that time.

"After the suppression of the strike, the Citizens' Committee of 1000 stood alone determined to deploy the repressive machinery of the courts and the criminal law against working-class radicals. Money to finance the Citizens' juridical assault on labour was provided by the federal Department of Justice only after a combative negotiation carried forward by A.J. Andrews and other leading figures in the Citizens' Committee of 1000.

In 1919 and 1920 the federal government provided over $196,000 for the prosecution of the strike leaders for seditious conspiracy….The payments were made through Orders In Council from funds appropriated by Parliament in the spring of 1919 under the War Appropriations Act…Justice had paid $150,024.20 to lawyers ⁴ who had prosecuted strike leaders and $12,332.09 had been paid to the McDonald Detective Agency for special police and detective services." ⁵

And, just as in the case of Rose, essential documents of a vengeful state have vanished. ⁶

While many historians of the Winnipeg struggle focus on the vengeance of Tory law-and-order types, there were always more far-sighted spokespersons for capital who understood precisely what Marx had in mind more than a century ago when he said that the ruling capitalist class always pursues two strategies with the working class-the carrot and the stick, either alternately or in combination in varying dosages.

The stick was very much a dominant theme during and after the Winnipeg Strike (and later with Rose), and left huge scars on working class organization. But it is the one-sided approach to the carrot that has played the biggest role in undermining the working class. Resulting illusions from judicious reforms granted by capital remain the biggest ideological obstacle confronting organized labour, even today, as those reforms are clawed back.

Two Winnipeg strikers, Mike Sokolowsky and Mike Schezerbanowicz had been shot dead when the North West Mounted Police (NWMP) opened fire on a massive crowd of strikers and supporters and scores were wounded in the ensuing police violence in downtown Winnipeg. The demonstrators had gathered to protest the arrest of their leaders a few days earlier. After a rigged jury selection process⁷, some strike leaders were given prison sentences, while many others, mainly from Eastern Europe, were sent to Kapuskasing, from where they were deported as a new Immigration Bill was rushed through Parliament. Sympathy acts with Winnipeg in other parts of the country were treated in a similarly ruthless fashion. ⁸

Workers who took part in the Strike, who were not jailed or deported ⁹, were fired outright, while still others lost seniority and/or forced to sign loyalty oaths to their employers before being re-hired.

Legislation also hastily created the Royal Canadian Mounted Police out of a merger between the NWMP and the Dominion Police with a vastly expanded budget for spying on, and disrupting, organized labour. Part of its responsibilities was to screen immigrants and secretly recommend who stayed and who was deported from Canada. Thousands of workers were deported during the 20's and 30's, and one estimate put those at risk as high as 25% of the working population. Two official inquiries, one provincial, and one, a federal Royal Commission, did a rather detailed analysis of the state of organized labour giving rise to the Winnipeg General Strike. The more detailed Mathers Royal Commission report was critical of the state of Canadian capitalism. The Royal Commission made the point that corporate greed had created fertile conditions for the rise of revolutionary and "bolshevist" tendencies in the Canadian working class. It was here that the strategy of Canadian capitalism towards workers started to become codified for the next 100 years.

The Commission had been impressed by the eloquent testimony for revolution brought forward by rank and file workers all across the country. The Commission also heard the voices from "official" organized labour, warning the corporate bosses of the dangers of revolution if reforms were not forthcoming. Those voices articulated the philosophy of Sam Gompers, head of the American Federation of Labour (A.F.L., an important influence on Canadian labour at the time) that "labor must strive, by all means of economic coercion or persuasion, to bring employers around to recognizing unions as co-administrators with themselves of the available jobs. But Gompers insisted that labor should never run the risk of being called subversive by advocating any sort of ‘workers control', socialism, or nationalizing of industry." ¹⁰

The reformist voices articulated in the Mathers Royal Commission Report found a sympathetic ear in the new leader ¹¹ of the Liberal Party, William Lyon Mackenzie King, who was no friend of organized labour, but not beneath using it. In June 1914, John D. Rockefeller had hired King at his Foundation in New York City, to head its new Department of Industrial Research. King formed a working association with Rockefeller, advising him through the turbulent period of a 1914 strike and the infamous massacre of strikers and their families at a family-owned coal company at Ludlow, Colorado. The outcome of that work subsequently set the stage for a liberal era in labor-management relations in America. King became one of the earliest modern practitioners of conciliation, while still loathing trade unions.

In 1918, King, assisted by his friend F. A. McGregor, had published the book Industry and Humanity: A Study in the Principles Underlying Industrial Reconstruction, articulating the liberal view that capital and labour were natural allies, not foes, and that the community at large (represented by the government) should be the third and decisive party in industrial disputes. This conclusion tracks an entire school of labour management theory developed at the University of Wisconsin on how to deal with separating revolutionaries from reformers, and found expression in the Wagner Act in the United States and Ivan Rand's Report and Formula in Canada.

Ever the practitioner of the new theory of isolating advocates of fundamental social change from the main body of labour, King's diary reveals that on his first day on the job as elected leader of the Liberals, he took a telephone call from a certain Mr. Harris of the Canadian Railway Brotherhood ¹² who advised King that a labour platform in the Liberal program would, "if carried out avoid the need of any Labor Party in Canada". ¹³

Twenty-six years later as his diary also indicates, Mackenzie King, now Prime Minister, was to play a prominent role in the attack on, and sentencing of, and stripping citizenship from, Fred Rose. King's friend, E.K. Williams, a Winnipeg lawyer and head of the Canadian Bar Association first came to prominence as one of the prosecutors, paid for by the Justice Department, to get convictions of the Winnipeg Strike leaders. Williams, when asked by King in 1945 for advice on how to use the event of a defecting Soviet cipher clerk, devised the legal scheme to destroy Rose and others, a scheme so extreme it even frightened King and outraged civil libertarians of the day. In his nine page secret brief to the Prime Minister that formed the basis of the Royal Commission on espionage (in which he managed to secure the job of Chief Counsel), Williams proposed the following:

"The Commission has full control over its own procedure and the way in which it will handle all matters coming before it."

"It may, and in this case should, sit in camera."

"It need not be bound by the ordinary rules of evidence if it considers it desirable to disregard them."

"It need not permit counsel to appear for those for those to be interrogated by or before it."

Williams pointed out that the evidence presented by the Soviet cipher clerk, Igor Gouzenko, had little chance of success in a Canadian court, but in a Royal Commission, the rules of evidence were more relaxed, with no cross-examination or re-examination of witnesses or challenging evidence. Witnesses could be compelled to testify and self-incriminate or risk contempt proceedings, especially if there was no counsel present. He also proposed, and it was accepted that the Commission be headed by two Supreme Court of Canada Justices, unconcerned that any appeals of criminal proceedings arising from the Commission would ultimately be heard by the self-same Supreme Court.

He concluded that without normal legal protections, when combined with the use of threats and suspension of witnesses' rights for weeks on end, the ends would ultimately justify the means.

"In my opinion, the Commission should sit in camera, make its enquiries in the widest possible way, should not be bound by the strict rules of evidence, and should not allow counsel to appear for those summoned before it."¹⁴

Perhaps civil libertarian, Senator Roebuck, said it best at the time:

"In Ottawa recently we took two excellent judges from the bench of the Supreme Court of Canada and implored upon them the police task of investi¬gating an illegal seditious conspiracy and of instituting prosecutions against those who appeared to be guilty. Notwithstanding that they were eminent jurists, they walked over civil rights of accused persons as no experienced police officer would dream of doing, and they did things which no good crown attorney would for one moment permit. They became part of proceedings which if brought before them on the bench under normal conditions, I am confident they would soundly denounce." ¹⁵

The outcome, including the conviction and subsequent persecution of Rose and others, was a foregone conclusion. The Cold War won. Democracy and the labour movement lost, and in that sense, the verdict on Rose was the bookend to the outcome of the Winnipeg General Strike.

The outcome of the Winnipeg General Strike had also been a classic example of the role of the Canadian state. It has been the subject of many studies, both from a view sympathetic to the strikers, but also from those opponents who saw incipient Bolshevik revolution when workers in Winnipeg downed tools demanding union recognition.

We know the strike ended badly for the strikers. For decades, the Winnipeg General Strike was not mentioned in any official histories of the period. The strike headquarters was demolished and a new police station built atop its ruins. Several narratives about the strike and its lessons have now emerged, some more accurate than others.

To be complete, however, more discourse must centre on how the capitalist state as a whole responded to the workers' movement and was able to achieve its long term strategic goals; and how the political expressions of organized labour failed to respond adequately.

That requires turning attention to the anti-capitalist Left at the time of Winnipeg. For the Canadian and international working class, the birth of the Soviet experiment exactly one hundred years ago this year represented immense hope for the world's workers who were sick of the carnage of world war and grinding poverty.

Ginger Goodwin, martyred labour leader whose funeral was the occasion for the first general strike in Canada in 1918, was an admirer of Soviet Russia. His grave (in Cumberland BC) has the hammer and sickle engraved on his granite tombstone. Winnipeg General Strikers of 1919 passed motions in support of the Russian Revolution. Leftists within Canada's labour movement, who often agreed on little else, were inspired by the first successful breach in world capitalism.

J.S. Woodsworth, who later led the founding of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF and forerunner of the NDP), risked his job by being one of a few longshoremen who walked off the waterfront in Vancouver rather than load materials for the Canadian army bound for the invasion of the young Soviet Republic.

The Soviet experiment terrorized world capitalism; and represented its wakeup call. It took Winnipeg, however, to produce the needed jolt for Canadian capitalists who had earlier pressed the snooze alarm when the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia.

Virtually all the fractious Left groups initially were enthusiastic supporters of the October Revolution and when the Communist Party of Canada was born, it came as no surprise that it had two parents: the Winnipeg General Strike and the October Revolution in Russia.

The Communist Party of Canada (CPC) started by gathering around itself militants and organized workers who were inspired by the example of their Russian compatriots led by Lenin, Trotsky and others who had broken with capitalism. The CPC held aloft the banner of class struggle and socialism in Canada. Contrary to its corporate detractors, the Communist Party was born out of the soil of struggle in Canada, and shaped by the seeming success of the Russian Revolution of 1917.

The earliest RCMP archives show how the Communist Party quickly evolved into the main target of the RCMP and the Canadian state even before the CP was formed. That material shows just how closely the RCMP monitored those who would later form the core of Communists. The Mounties even inserted moles into the new party. Sergeant Leopold infiltrated the Party and a local Labour Council in Saskatchewan. His role was revealed when he showed up in his scarlet tunic as a star witness for the Crown in the now infamous Section 98 trial of Communists in the 1930s. It must be noted that Leopold went on to become the "go to" expert in the Royal Commission on Espionage of 1946 and in the spy trials that flowed from that Commission.

The released RCMP archival reports of the Ford Strike of 1945 leading to the Rand Formula show just how the RCMP used their spying to influence decision-makers in one of the most critical struggles of our times. It is clear from those archives that the Communists were the main leaders during that epic strike, and the main target of the state's tactics.

However, nothing will ever surpass the RCMP's bold efforts, with assists from their British MI5 and American FBI colleagues ¹⁶, to frustrate democracy, launch a Cold War and drive a dagger into militant, class struggle-based unionism in Canada and the U.S. than their efforts to cast the Communists as a nest of traitors and spies, who would betray their country to support the Soviet Union.

The Rand Formula, arising from the Ford Strike, completed the process of separating the reform from the revolutionary wing of organized labour. It was capital's poison pill, a historic compromise, that secured labour's financial and legal security (for as long as it had the strength to maintain it), in return for limiting labour's industrial activities and denying its militant past.

Both capitalists and Communists, at the time, saw the Rand Formula as merely a framework for a temporary truce in the class struggle. Rather than an important beachhead in labour's struggle against capital, increasingly the labour movement came to view the Rand Formula as a permanent feature of their relations with capital. The Cold War attacks on Communists and other militants helped construct a professional labour movement far removed from rank and file involvement and real empowerment needed to go toe-to-toe with capital under all circumstances. Even unions, headed by Communists, were forced to accept Rand, but the assaults on them continued, nevertheless.

Labour relations jurisprudence is now highly specialized, and unions have a lot to lose by not living up to the "compromise", e.g. engaging in wildcat and sympathy strikes, boycotts, secondary picketing, and defying injunctions or back-to-work" legislation, etc. Health and safety, workers compensation, unemployment insurance (EI), human rights and rules for organizing and certifying unions along with other legislation pertaining to unions make up libraries of precedent beyond the capacity of even the most brilliant union leader, let alone rank and file workers on the job.

Class struggle unionism inevitably still breaks out, but often the leadership of labour has to play firefighter within increasingly narrow parameters. Socialist and anti-capitalist sentiment within the organized labour movement is a fraction of what it once was before Winnipeg and the Cold War.

An interesting aside is that three justices of the Supreme Court of Canada played prominent roles in the strategic task of capital in 1946: Kelloch and Taschereau, co-chairs of the Royal Commission on spying, and Ivan Rand who brought down the template on labour relations. Their respective reports and conclusions came within weeks of each other.

During the ensuing Cold War, the 12 major Canadian unions with Left and Communist leadership were singled out for special attack. Those unions were guilty of nothing except defending "socialist" and class principles. The destruction or ‘taming' of these unions represented the ultimate coup-de-grace for separating reform-based organized labour and socialist-based organized labour. And it now lies at the root of organized labour's current malaise. It is a history lesson all in itself.

It is vitally important to acknowledge the shortcomings in the strategic approaches of the socialist left, and especially the Communists, during this period. Otherwise, we are apt to mislead another generation of labour's fighters. They need to honour the memory of some of the best fighters for organized labour and be inspired by their selfless heroism. But to truly honour them, it is important to show the context in which they fought and draw appropriate lessons.

Can it be said that it was the inability of those upholding the revolutionary torch, to properly estimate global balance of forces between labour and capital? Did they incorrectly assess the strategy of capital; and prove unable to make timely corrections of their own strategy? Was the Communist Party's foundation, as a child of the Comintern, and later as an uncritical supporter of the dominant Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a contributing factor to severing a vital link between reform of capitalism and revolutionary transformation? Is there something in the "makeup of Lenin's Party of a new type" that led, not only to its own downfall, but also to a deep hole for all of organized labour and humanity?

Those are subjects of PART TWO.

END OF PART ONE

PART TWO: THE COMMUNIST PARTY

APPENDIX

Fred Rose Letter to Parliament (a copy of his hand-written letter on St. Vincent de Paul stationery)

P.O. Box 440, St. Vincent de Paul, Quebec
January 24th, 1947
The Hon. Gaspard Fauteux
Speaker, House of Commons,
Ottawa, Canada.

Sir:

On many occasions in the past I have had the honour to address you from my seat in the House of Commons on various issues involving the welfare of the Canadian people. Due to circumstances beyond my control I'm unable to do so at the present time.

Cruelly and unjustly deprived of my freedom, a victim of a heinous plot by warmongers and red-baiters, I have been led to believe that an attempt will be made to deprive me of my mandate. Being in no position to defend myself from my rightful place in the House of Commons, I write to you from my cell in St. Vincent de Paul penitentiary in the hope that my words will reach all members of parliament. I pray Sir, that before the House acts in my case, these words of mine will be given unprejudiced and careful consideration.

The facts I wish to bring to the attention of parliament transcend my personal welfare and the issue of my membership in the House of Commons, although closely related to my present plight. I consider them of utmost importance to all Canadians who cherish lasting peace, their democratic rights and economic security. I wish to emphasize "lasting peace", because in this age of atomic bombs, rocket missiles and bacteriological warfare developments, war is unthinkable-the results beyond imagination.

At times it seems hard to believe that it is only a short time since the Allies concluded a victorious but a terribly costly war. Tens of millions of people, combatants and civilians, men, women and children, paid with their lives and possessions before the Nazi and Japanese would-be masters of an enslaved world were defeated. All Allied nations made their contribution towards the achievement of victory. As Canadians we are justly proud of our effort to vanquish the forces of evil.

Without minimizing to the slightest degree our own substantial contribution or the splendid effort of the British and American people, it is only fair that we remember the colossal sacrifice of our Soviet Allies. The Russian people suffered ten times the combined casualties of Britain and the U.S.A.; they saw half of their industrial plant destroyed; 25 millions of them were left homeless, of whom 17 million are still without proper shelter. Through these immense losses, by sparing neither life nor property, the Soviet people tore the guts out of the Nazi beast and made a major contribution towards victory. Tens of thousands of Canadian who are fortunately alive today owe more than thanks to the Russian people. If we had no serious conscription crisis in wartime it is because the Soviet people engaged the bulk of the Nazi armed forces on the Eastern Front.

Those members who were in the House in wartime will remember the high regard in which the Russian people and their government were held. There was optimistic talk about post-war political and economic relations with the U.S.S.R. Had I Hansard at my disposal I would cite numerous statements to that effect. But I did come across Maclean's Magazine of Feb. 1st, 1945, less than two years ago, where the Prime Minister is quoted as follows: "Canada, while a member of the British Commonwealth, is situated geographically between the United States and the Soviet Union, and it is difficult to see how our country could give support to any proposal which might suggest ultimate rivalry between the Great Powers" (What the Liberals Stand For-page 38-Mclean's).

Less than one month after V.J. Day, on September 5th, 1945, a campaign was launched to force our country into a path against which Mr. King had warned earlier in the same year. Igor Gouzenko, a traitor to the Soviet people, a Russian citizen who did not like the idea of returning to his devastated homeland, a person who lived in safety and comfort while his people toiled, starved, fought and died in the cause of Allied victory, was thrust upon the Canadian scene. A bleeding and seriously wounded Ally was to be betrayed-the peace of the world endangered-the world was to be divided into two blocs-there was to be no respite for a world weary of war-the atomic bomb was to become the weapon behind the new diplomacy. The man who was to make a substantial contribution towards the justification of this madness was none other than the youthful traitor-Gouzenko. This cipher clerk, who according to his own testimony was still at school when the Nazis attacked his country, was presented as a specialist on Soviet foreign policy, Canadian democracy, the Comintern, the Labour-Progressive Party, and what not.

The sudden reversal of policy was dictated not by the interests of the Canadian people but by imperialist forces in Washington and London, and their agents in our country. By raising a hue and cry about Soviet warlike intentions, American imperialism was trying to justify the stockpiling of atomic bombs, the feverish development of deadly weapons, manoeuvres by army and naval forces in the Arctic and the acquisition of bases throughout the world. By hollering about the "red menace", Wall St. aimed at splitting the labour and progressive movements in the Americas and to influence events in Europe and Asia towards the perpetuation of feudal and capitalist rule and the extension of U.S. political and economic control. They have failed miserably because the peoples of the world have learned valuable lessons from World War II. They will not sell their souls nor their future for the glitter of American gold. They want to enjoy a greater share of the wealth of their countries; they want land and the control over the natural resources and key industries. They do not want the return to power of those people who kept them in poverty and who were ready to make deals with Hitler; they want no anti-Sovietism and anti-Communism. Their trials in wartime have steeled them to a determination to achieve lasting peace and economic security and neither American salesmanship, nor refusal of loans, nor threatening letters from the State Dept., nor Gouzenko can influence them to change their course.

It is an undeniable fact that the pending arrests in Canada in the so-called espionage affair were first hinted by Drew Pearson, the Washington columnist. Was Pearson's disclosure, based on a tip from the American State Dept., or the F.B.I., a means of prodding the Canadian government into action? I have good reason to believe so. My arrest was predicted by a London newspaper six days before I was detained. The story was seemingly cabled from Montreal a day after Inspector Harrison of the RCMP arrived in the metropolis-the same sort of prodding by interested parties who wanted Canada to do the dirty work on their behalf-to depart from the usual diplomatic and judicial procedure-to create a false emergency situation for the purpose of smearing the U.S.S.R. and the Communist movement. The only Communist M.P. in the House of Commons had to be arrested and convicted in order to influence the elections in two key European countries- France and Italy, which were held on June 2nd, 1946. My preliminary hearing and trial were timed to coincide with the general campaign of pressure against the U.S.S.R. –the Security Council meetings, the false issue of Iran, Winston Churchill's Fulton speech, and the application by the U.S. State Dept. of the "get tough" policy in dealing with the Soviet Union. During that period the daily press was full of shrieking headlines about Russia and Communism, preliminary Royal Commission reports and inspired stories handed out by RCMP and Dept. of Justice officials. The Montreal Star reported that it had been informed that eighty Montreal Communists had been in daily contact with the Kremlin, that Communists joined the armed forces in wartime in order to be in a position to stab the British Commonwealth in the back. The Montreal Gazette "discovered" that the Russians were behind a plot to get possession of the Canadian uranium mines. A headline across the front page featured this story which the Gazette was forced to deny a few days later. Denial or no denial, these fantastic stories helped to create an atmosphere of hysteria.

Of all the people arrested in the so-called espionage affair, I was the one chosen to be convicted, no matter what methods had to be resorted to. It was at my preliminary hearing that Gouzenko made his first "public" appearance, with all Hollywood trimmings and spectacular publicity. There he recited his rehearsed anti-Soviet and anti-Communist tirade, ably seconded by the representative of the Dept. of Justice-the Hon. Philippe Brais. Correspondents from the leading Canadian newspapers as well as U.S. and French news agencies sent out verbatim reports, giving full credence to the hearsay and opinions of a traitor. Gouzenko told his inspired "story" in full detail only once-at my preliminary hearing. After being committed for trial my $10,000 bail was cancelled. Two days later, after a bit more smearing by Mr. Brais, bail was set at $25,000- an excessive and prejudicial amount, and I was warned that I must not say anything relating to my case or the bail would be cancelled.

I hardly got around to prepare my defence when I found myself subpoenaed to appear before the Royal Commission. I refused to testify, arguing that I should not be asked to divulge my defence before my trial was over. This argument was rejected by the Commissioners, and I had to make another trip to Ottawa. Soon after I was notified to appear in Court to be arraigned on a preferred indictment. Thus I was harassed in the preparation of my case. While I obeyed the order of Judge Lazure to make no public statements about my case, the daily press poured out rivers of poisonous and prejudicial materials. Mr. Brais, the special prosecutor, objected to all requests for delay in the trial so I could have no real chance to defend myself nor to avoid hysteria which made impossible the attainment of justice.

I described some of Mr. Brais' tactics at my trial in a letter that I sent to the Rt. Hon. Louis St. Laurent in July, 1946. This letter was tabled in the House of Commons. Anti-Semitism, Anti-Sovietism, anti-Communism –the whole of Goebbels arsenal, was resorted to in order to get me convicted. Nearly all the people who had been detained and all who had been convicted were introduced as Crown witnesses. All cases were reviewed in greater detail than at the trials of each of these individuals. For three weeks time, ninety percent of which was used by the prosecution, Mr. Brais overwhelmed the jurors with evidence that had nothing to do with me but was sufficiently prejudicial to convict me.

I did not testify in my own behalf because it was obvious that Mr. Phillippe Brais was going to indulge in more anti-Communism and in smearing innocent people. I considered that the Royal Commission had slandered enough patriotic Canadians, and I was not going to contribute to the unwarranted smear campaign, even if it meant harming my own defence. I was advised to subpoena the Prime Minister and other government leaders and officials but I objected on the grounds that the international situation was sufficiently disturbed. I decided to bide my time, convinced that the air would clear from the poison gas attack, giving the Canadian people a better view of events and the relation of my persecution to these events.

I want to assure you Mr. Speaker that I'm not guilty of any crime against the interests and welfare of the Canadian people. I had no control over the things that Igor Gouzenko was induced to say against me. I'm not responsible for the contents of the documents which he produced. I'm not answerable for anything said by people to the Royal Commission after they had been held incommunicado, cajoled and intimidated by the RCMP, and tempted with promises of freedom if they would only point the finger in my direction. A typical example of the interrogation methods was disclosed at the trial of Mr. Nightingale. The former RCAF Squadron leader told the Ottawa Court that Inspector Anthony of the RCMP advised him to help the authorities to convict the "Jew bastards". This so-called defender and protector of Canadian democracy was no doubt including me in his Nazi-inspired classification. Similar and more disturbing evidence will surely come to light if and when an investigation is made into the work of the Royal Commission-methods of interrogation, Igor Gouzenko, the role of the RCMP, etc. Such a parliamentary investigation is essential if there's to be no repetition of the "black chapter" in Canadian democracy and the injustice against me is to be rectified. I hope that I will be given the opportunity to appear before such a parliamentary inquiry.

Immediately after my arrest I started an investigation of my own. It was cut short by the insistence of the Ottawa-appointed prosecutor who would allow no delay in my trial and by his vindictive demand that I be granted no bail pending judgment by the Quebec Appeal Court. In the short period at my disposal I learned enough to warrant my telling parliament that Gouzenko's appearance on Sept. 5th, 1945, one day before the opening of the first session of the newly-elected House was not accidental; that his trip to the Ottawa Journal, instead of going to the RCMP or the Dept. of External Affairs, was not without direction; that the few remaining tenants in the apartment building at 511 Somerset St. where Gouzenko had resided, as well as the tenants who had "moved" away, would have an interesting story to tell had they not been warned that they must speak to nobody without RCMP consent; that Gouzenko lived above his means and had incurred substantial financial commitments which he found hard to meet. Storekeepers and others were afraid to speak, but I was slowly collecting valuable information. A parliamentary investigation can complete the job. I hold the RCMP and certain reactionary officials in the Dept. of Justice partially responsible for the way the so-called espionage affair was handled and consider them the main culprits in my arrest and conviction. I say "partially responsible" because the government had no right to yield to the pressure exerted by the Mounties and foreign imperialist interests and subvert regular diplomatic and judicial procedure.

This foreigner (Gouzenko) says Douglas How in Maclean's Magazine, Dec. 15th, 1946, "came to them (RCMP) as probably the greatest windfall in the history of their prolonged battle with Communism in Canada." Who gave the RCMP the authority to wage such a battle? I never heard parliament assign such a task neither to the Mounties nor to the Dept. of Justice. In my July letter to the Minister of Justice I described some anti-Soviet and anti-Communist activities by the RCMP, carried on at a time when the Prime Minister had warned against the attempts which were being made by the Nazis to split the Allies on the basis of the red bogey. I wanted to quote from that speech, delivered before the House on February 23, 1943, but unfortunately the warden of this institution refused to let me have the copy of these remarks mailed to me by my wife.

For a long time I have been aware of the unauthorized and undemocratic activities carried on by the RCMP. Inspector Leopold, the main adviser of the Royal Commission, owes his rank to espionage in the labour movement. While spying on the Communist Party he was also a member of the Regina Central Labour Council. RCMP stretch the Communist label so that it includes any individual or organization that oppose the policy of reactionary freebooters.

Believing that espionage and provocation in the labour movement endangers democracy, I wrote a pamphlet in 1939, entitled "Spying on Labour". While gathering material for this booklet in Sudbury, Kirkland Lake, Timmins and elsewhere I came across some very positive proof to show that the RCMP was guilty of collusion with private detective agencies in furthering the work of spying and disruption in trade unions. In wartime, under the guise of protecting the country against sabotage and espionage, the Mounties were given unlimited power. They used it against Soviet Allies and against the Canadian people.

At my trial Mr. Brais saw fit to introduce four RCMP witnesses who testified that in April 1943 they shadowed Tim Buck, the leader of the Labour-Progressive Party who was visiting Montreal at the time. It was disgusting to watch a police force in a democratic country boast about Gestapo methods.

Not long after I took my seat in the House of Commons, sometime in March or April 1944, I had my first encounter with the RCMP in Ottawa. One morning, coming out of my residence, I noticed a parked car with two gentlemen in the front seat. I advised the driver of the automobile in which I travelled to turn at every corner-all the way from Eastview till we reached Parliament Hill. We were followed, and there could be no mistake about it. I phoned Mr. Anderson, the Deputy Minister of Justice, gave him the licence number of the car that trailed me and told him I would raise the matter in the House of Commons if I'm ever shadowed again.

Why were the Mounties in front of my residence on that specific morning? The explanation is supplied by a long-distance telephone call which I received from the leader of the Labour-Progressive Party the night before that he would be arriving in Ottawa the following morning. My telephones, both at my place of residence and in the House of Commons were tapped.

Some of the members of parliament will no doubt remember that Mr. J. I. Pouliot, Member for Temisconata, complained to the House of Commons that his telephone was tampered with. I was tempted to follow him and expose snooping by the RCMP. I was in a position to substantiate my charges with a copy of a transcript of a long-distance telephone conversation between two very moderate trade union leaders, taken down by RCMP operatives and forwarded to the Dept. of Labour as information for the top officials. I later gave the transcript to an officer of the Trades and Labour Congress and advised him to do something about the shameful state of police interference.

The RCMP "witch hunt" included other misdeeds. I'm certain some of my mail addressed to the House of Commons was scrutinized. I complained to the Minister of Justice and the Post-Master General about a "Special Delivery" letter which had without the slightest doubt been opened. As expected, it was denied. I was aware of RCMP snooping in the armed forces, not in search for Nazi sympathizers but hunting for "reds". I know of at least one individual who was on the payroll of a government department in Ottawa but whose real job was to spy on the labour movement and the Soviet Embassy and report to the top officials of the RCMP.

I committed a serious error by not having brought these disturbing facts to the attention of the House. I was influenced by the desire not to give any ammunition to the anti-war elements. But I was wrong. Through my silence I have given indirect support to the extension and perpetuation of unlimited police rule. I have since seen this forerunner of a police state in motion against me-determined to send me to jail-resolved to punish me for having on a number of occasions exposed its anti-Canadian activities-for having unearthed some of their spies in the labour movement. Under RCMP inspiration, I have been smeared mercilessly as a traitor to Canada, a Moscow agent, a spy since 1924 (I was less than 7 years at the time) and what not. I was held in solitary confinement in Bordeaux jail-under special surveillance-when I should have been out on bail. In ten years, out of 147 bail applications, only 3 were refused bail bond by the Quebec Appeal Court. While I was isolated from the world beyond prison walls, the Royal Commission issued the Final Report in July, 1946. Publicized at the time of its publication, the Report was carried in serial form in September and October by the Montreal Gazette, the Montreal Herald and the Montreal Matin. At about the same time, the Montreal Gazette published a story to the effect that I had been a co-signer with the Hon. Ernest Bertrand on an application for a passport to be used by a "Russian agent". Mr. Bertrand replied to this charge in a statement to parliament and was kind enough to clear me. But it is interesting to note that the same people who were out to get me convicted were also attempting to implicate the Liberals. They picked on the Hon. Ernest Bertrand because in one of his speeches to parliament he displayed a sympathetic understanding of the problems of the Soviet Union.

Being prevented from defending myself against the steady flow of slanderous propaganda, my Defence Committee issued leaflets in reply to the prejudicial allegations. As a result, a number of offices and homes were raided and leaflets seized. One distributor of this literature was arrested and arraigned for sedition. The charge was dropped there being no basis for prosecution. But the damage had been done. The press had carried a number of stories about seditious activities and my name was connected with it, despite the fact that I was in Bordeaux jail. The RCMP participated in the illegal raids when leaflets in my defence were seized. These prejudicial acts were committed against me during the period immediately preceding judgment by the Appeal Court. Condemned by a Royal Commission composed of two Supreme Court judges, smeared ceaselessly by an unscrupulous millionaire-controlled press in the midst of an anti-Communist and anti-Soviet hysteria, the Court of Appeal saw fit to uphold the conviction.

The most libelous and unfounded statements against me appeared in the Royal Commission Report, a document that was recently praised by the atomic bomb stockpiler, General Groves and publicized anew by the Saturday Evening Post to coincide with the announcement by Senator Vandenburg of an American foreign policy aimed at a appeasing pro-fascist elements while warning against the forces of progress. The Report, being the work of a government appointed body, I must naturally take it more seriously than the poisonous articles in newspapers and magazines written by unscrupulous scribes. This being the case, I hereby declare that I will resign from the House of Commons and withdraw hereafter from all political activity if the Commissioners can substantiate all charges that they level against me in the Report. But they cannot do it. The report is based not on fact but on Gouzenko hearsay and RCMP insinuations. I have written a review of the chapter in the Report which deals with me. I hope to have it published in the near future. The Report is a political document, reminiscent of the Dies Committee in the U.S.A., aimed at disrupting the relations between the wartime Allies, aimed at dealing a death blow at the Labour-Progressive Party including the only member of that Party in the House of Commons.

In line with these aims, the sentence meted out to me, was political in nature. It was to ascertain that I would not return to take my seat in parliament. About twenty minutes before Judge Lazure passed sentence I was informed by counsel that he had been advised that my sentence would be five years and a month. I must admit that I was somewhat puzzled by this information. An explanation that followed soon clarified it for me.

In order for to make it impossible for me to sit in the House the sentence had to be over five years. I considered the five years and a month too crude a political job; it would make the political purpose of the sentence too obvious. Seemingly, Mr. Brais was of the same opinion and influenced the last minute change-the sentence pronouncement was six years. By refusing to grant me the six months of solitary confinement in Bordeaux, the equivalent to many years of regular imprisonment, the Quebec Appeal Court increased my sentence for a second time.

How preposterous! Nazi war criminals like Schacht and von Papen-the latter also guilty of leading an espionage and sabotage ring which operated in Canada and the U.S.A. in World War I- are freed by an international Military Tribunal. Amnesty is being extended to millions of Nazi murderers; Streicher's aide –the closest collaborator to the man whose theories led to the annihilation of six million Jews-was recently sentenced to six years. Tyler Kent, a clerk in the U.S. Embassy in London who was convicted as a Nazi spy received a five year sentence. A group of Italian fascists, whose plot to blow up bridges, railway tracks, etc., was known to the Dept. of Justice, were merely interned, as were native fascists who in the words of the late Minister of Justice-the Rt. Hon. Ernest Lapointe-were in intelligence with Germany. The fascist internees were treated like prisoners of war and enjoyed all sorts of privileges under the Geneva Convention. They were not smeared, newspapers had no right to give the names of the persons interned nor to announce their release. How different from the treatment meted out to me.

Charged with having aided an Ally in wartime, a charge I most vehemently deny, I'm sentenced to over 6 ½ years, and to be deprived of my mandate; I'm torn from my family, turned into a number (4857) and humiliated. I write this letter in a cell about 4 feet in width, without proper sanitary facilities, a cell condemned many years ago as unfit for human habitation. It took me ten days to receive Beauchesne's Rules and Forms which I wanted to use in preparation of this letter, but it was given to me too late to be of any use to me.

Do I deserve such treatment? I don't believe so. I have no exaggerated ideas about myself, but I must say that I have made my modest contribution towards the welfare of our country and our people. I fought against fascism when others appeased Hitler. I advocated collective security including the U.S.S.R. that could have prevented World War II. I stood beside the unemployed in the Hungry Thirties and helped them to win cash relief, medical treatment, payment of rent, etc. For this effort I paid with a year of my freedom, having been convicted on a trumped up charge of seditious utterances. I always did everything possible to encourage unity of English-and French-Canadians in order that both together may reach higher goals. I condemned race hatred and urged that anti-Semitism be outlawed. Back in 1944, foreseeing a housing crisis I urged immediate steps to prepare for the return of Canadians from overseas. Later, I advocated a billion dollar government sponsored low rental housing project.

I defended trade unions as a cornerstone of democracy and supported increased wages as a means of increasing the purchasing power of the people. The last motion that I had before the House called for a 50% increase in unemployment insurance. This motion now has the backing of both major Trade Union Congresses. I urged the adoption of a truly Canadian flag and supported all measures to reaffirm our sovereignty.

In the sphere of foreign relations I advocated the unity of the Big Three powers as the only guarantee for lasting peace. I warned against Canada's involvement in an "atomic" bloc and appealed that our uranium resources be placed at the disposal of the Security Council. I urged friendship with the U.S.S.R. and the new regimes in Europe and elsewhere, this being of interest to our people-politically and commercially. The foreign policy I enunciated in the House on many occasions is now being accepted and advocated by important circles in the U.S.A. and Britain. Former vice-president Henry Wallace is winning ever-growing support for a return to the policies of the late President Roosevelt. In Britain, 150 Labour M.P.s have been calling for a rapprochement with the Soviet Union and less dependence on U.S. imperialism. So have the London Times and Beaverbrook press.

The above are public activities which are known to all who are interested. I wish to deal now with some of my work which for obvious reasons I could not publicize. In view of the merciless smear campaign against me I give these facts in order to show that I'm not the type of individual painted by my enemies. I shall disclose other facts at an appropriate time.

Realizing the growing danger of Nazism and fascism to mankind, I was determined to make my contribution to rouse the Canadian people to be prepared to meet this threat. I gathered materials on their activities in Canada and elsewhere. I wrote pamphlets which attained extensive circulation, addressed meeting throughout the country, and passed on my information to all Canadians who were in a position to make good use of it. Having been advised that some people in the Liberal Federation were interested in such materials as a means to induce the RCMP to pay some attention to the fascist and Nazi activities, I went to Ottawa and contacted one of the Federation organizers who is at present a member of the House of Commons. I gave the same information to Mr. McNeil-a C.C.F. Member at the time. Following my conversation with the Liberal organizer, Corporal Styran of the RCMP and another officer whose name I cannot recollect, visited me in my room in the Alexandria Hotel and asked me to repeat the information. This was followed by a visit from Corporal Stanton of the Toronto RCMP to my office. I could not guarantee the authenticity of the tips given to me by the anti-Nazis but I passed them on to the police as well as to a high government official in Ottawa.

If I'm guilty of espionage, it is spying on the enemies of our country, in the best interests of Canada and not against the welfare of our people. Similarly, I plead guilty of having been in indirect contact with foreign intelligence-British and American, not Russian. I was approached by a certain individual to help recruit Italians, Yugoslavs and other Europeans for dangerous missions in their countries of birth. I checked in Ottawa, and having verified that this operation had the approval of the Canadian authorities I did all I could to help in this important work.

The men and women of Montreal-Cartier obviously appreciated my efforts. They rewarded me with the Honour of representing them in the House of Commons. Thousands danced and sang in the streets of Cartier on the night of their victory. Less than two years later, in June, 1945 they returned me to parliament with nearly double my previous vote. I have tried to serve them and all Canadians with loyalty and dignity.

I am not guilty of graft charges or any other misdemeanor. After I was arrested and held without bail it was possible for my friends to collect four thousand signatures in a few hours from Cartier electors calling for my release on bail bond.

Mr. Speaker: If the will of the people is to prevail, if justice is to be done, there can be no question of my expulsion from the House. To the contrary, I should be in my seat in the House of Commons and not in the penitentiary. Parliament is the highest of Courts. Through its actions in my case it will decide whether hysteria is to continue or whether justice and reason are to prevail. Respectfully Yours,

Fred Rose, M.P.

---

¹ Knight, Amy, "HOW THE COLD WAR BEGAN-the Igor Gouzenko Affair and the Hunt for Soviet Spies", Carroll & Graf Publishers, New York, 2005 p.153.

² Fred Rose' letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons before the vote to vacate his seat. It was returned to him and Members of the House of Commons and Canadians never shared his side of the story…until now. See: Appendix at the end.

³http://www.forbes.com/sites/drewhansen/2016/02/09/unless-it-changes-capitalism-will-starve-humanity-by-2050/#1eec94784a36

⁴ One of those lawyers was E.K. Williams, who played a prominent role in the attack on Rose and others. He was the designer of, and lead counsel in, the Kellock-Taschereau Royal Commission on 'espionage' that launched the Cold War.

⁵ From article by Tom Mitchell, " 'Legal Gentlemen Appointed by the Federal Government': the Canadian State, the Citizens' Committee of 1000, and Winnipeg's Seditious Conspiracy Trials of 1919-1920", Labour/Le Travail, Canadian Committee on Labour History, pp. 10-11

⁶ Ibid. p.12

⁷ Ibid. p.

⁸ Steeves, Dorothy, "Compassionate Rebel"-the story of CCF Member of the Legislature, Ernie Winch.

⁹ From 1919 Section 98 and the Security State, "Yet another aspect of the emerging security state was the creation of section 98 of the Criminal Code, part of the government's response to the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. Under the new section, which remained in force until 1936, any organization that sought to overthrow the state or to bring about economic change through violence became illegal. As the section explained, "Any association … whose professed purpose … is to bring about any governmental, industrial or economic change within Canada by use of force, violence or physical injury to person or property, or by threats of such injury, or which teaches, advocates, advises or defends the use of force, violence, terrorism, or physical injury to person or property … in order to accomplish such change, or for any other purpose, or which shall by any means persecute or pursue such purpose … or shall so teach, advocate, advise or defend, shall be an unlawful association." Under section 98, simply joining certain political parties or groups was now breaking the law. The penalty for violating the section was up to twenty years in jail. Anyone who rented space to the members of a proscribed organization was also liable for imprisonment or a fine of $5,000. The RCMP could seize property suspected of belonging to an illegal organization and no longer needed a warrant to do so. Other legislative changes amplified the state's authority. Section 133 of the Criminal Code, which had provided that merely pointing out defects in government or the Constitution did not equate with seditious intent, was removed. The Immigration Act was amended to facilitate the deportation of non-citizens who advocated the destruction of property or who belonged to an organization that promoted the overthrow of the government (a move that dramatically expanded the classes of foreigners who could be expelled). Ottawa also amended the Naturalization Act so that it could revoke the citizenship of naturalized Canadians. The main purpose of these new powers was to suppress political dissent. Between 1902 and 1928, Canada deported an average of 1,000 people each year, but the number of deportations rose after the amendments, skyrocketing to 4,025 in 1930 and over 7,000 in the following two years. And in 1931, the leaders of the Communist Party of Canada were placed on trial under section 98. Tim Buck and his colleagues were found guilty and spent several years in jail. Their convictions effectively confirmed that the Communist Party was banned in Canada – the only democratic country to do so at the time. Within a year, another 1,500 people had been prosecuted, and 355 convicted, for political crimes. http://historyofrights.ca/encyclopaedia/main-events/1919-section-98-criminal-code/

¹⁰ "Labor Economics and Industrial Relations-Markets and Institutions", edited Clarke Kerr and Paul D. Staudohar, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1994, p.46

¹¹ King was elected leader in the late summer of 1919.

¹² One of the A .F. of L. affiliates who supported the Liberal Party at the time.

¹³ King Diary, Monday August 11, 1919

¹⁴ From Williams' 9 page memo, marked "TOP SECRET".

¹⁵ Senator Arthur Roebuck, The Toronto Daily Star, 30 July 1946

¹⁶ Glenn Greenwald refers to the "Deep State", or a secretive apparatus that lies within the state, not accountable and as administrations come and go, it arrogates to itself the role of protector of the overall interests of the state. A full study of the Gouzenko/Rose Affair demonstrates that the RCMP with the assistance of J. Edgar Hoover (FBI), and 'Intrepid' (MI5) played a critical role in launching the Cold War.